House Resolution N




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March 27. Spanish Nationalist Government signed the Anti Comin­tern Pact. (The ticket to totalitarian respectability. Lee, p. 368.)
March 28. Spanish civil war ended, (Madrid surrendered to General Franco. Simonds, Emeny, p. 688.)
March 29. Prime Minister Chamberlain announced the Territorial Army would be placed on war footing and doubled. ("His Majesty's Government have been impressed with the need for availing themselves still further of the spirit of voluntary service which is manifest throughout the country. In particular they feel that they cannot allow would be recruits for the Territorial Army to be refused because, the units to which they apply are already over strength." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 2048. Cf. Jan. 23, 28. Feb. 22, Mar. 8, supra.)

France rejected Italian demands of March 26. (She would not cede a foot of land or one of her rights. Lee, p. 375.)

Poland warned that any German or Danzig Senate attempt to alter statute of Free City by unilateral action would be a casus belli. (Because Germany would consider a Polish coup de force against Danzig a casus belli. German, No. 211, p. 220. ". . . after the events in Czechoslovakia, and in the Memel district, the claim raised at this very moment with regard to Danzig had been interpreted as a danger signal by Poland." Ibid., p. 220. Cf. Mar. 21, supra.)
March 31. Japan annexed the Sinnan Islands, including the Spratly Islands claimed by France. (Cf. "New order" policy, Nov. 3 and 30, 1938. "The Sinnan Islands were no State's until June, 1921, when the Rasa Phosphate Co., a Japanese concern,

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having made extensive investigation of the Islands since 1917, invested a considerable amount of money in the building of per­manent establishments for the development of the Islands. Their enterprise received the full authorization and support of the Japanese Government, which dispatched. a naval surveying ship, Koshu, in 1929. In April of the same year a stone monu­ment was built signifying the Japanese occupation, replacing a wooden marker built in 1919. (A more imposing one was erected in August 1938 with due ceremony conducted by the officers and crew of the minelayer Katsuriki.) . . . The Japanese Govern­ment, basing their action on the close connection that has existed between the Islands and the Japanese Empire and on the right deriving therefrom under International Law, and motivated by their desire to avoid the possibility of further complications with the French Government, incidental to the hitherto vague administrative status of the Islands, . . ." Japan, Vol. II, pp. 278 ff.)

Apart from any question as to the merits of the conflict­ing claims of France and Japan, it may be observed that, as the Japanese Government is aware, the Government of the United States advocates adjustment of problems in international rela­tions by processes of negotiation, agreement, or arbitration.

"The Government of the United States does not consider that all islands or reefs which might be situated within the extensive area deliminated in the Japanese memorandum, and especially within that considerable part of the area lying to the eastward and southeastward of any of the islands named in the Japanese memorandum, can properly be treated as one island group, nor does this Government consider that the action of Japan in blanket­ing within the territory of Japan islands or reefs, either known or unknown, with respect to which the Japanese Government has heretofore exercised no acts which may properly be regarded as establishing a basis for claim to sovereignty, has any international validity." Note from Secretary of State Hull to the Japanese Ambassador, May 17, 1939, Japan, Vol. II, p. 280.

Prime Minister Chamberlain announced that Britain and France would defend Poland with all the power at their command "in the event of any action which clearly threatened Polish independence, and which the Polish Government accordingly considered it vital to resist with their national forces.

("In order to make perfectly clear the position of His Majesty's Government . . ." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 2315. Cf. Mar. 29, supra.)
April 1. The United States recognized the Nationalist Government in Spain by proclaiming end of civil war and revoking embargo on export of arms and regulations as to contributions. (". . . in my judgment the state of civil strife in Spain described in said joint resolution of January 8, 1937, and the conditions which caused me to issue the said proclamation of May 1, 1937, have ceased to exist, . . ." [Statement of President. Roosevelt.] State Release 1939, No. 496, p. 246.)

Chancellor Hitler in defense of the taking of Czechia said he had rendered thereby a great service to peace. ("I have in good time made valueless an instrument that was designed to become

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effective in time of war against Germany." German, No. 281, p. 302; British., No. 20, p. 29. Cf. Mar. 17, supra.)
April 3. Prime Minister Chamberlain repeated guarantee to Poland of March 31, emphasizing its departure from traditional British ideas of policy, and mentioned the possible necessity of extending it to other countries. ("These recent happenings have, rightly or wrongly, made every State which lies adjacent to Germany unhappy, anxious, uncertain about Germany's future intentions." Commons, Vol. 345, col. 2485. Never before had Britain under­taken such obligations east of the Rhine. Lee, p. 382.)
April 6. Poland agreed to regard the British guarantee of March 31 as mutual obligation, pending conclusion of permanent agree­ment to that end. ("Like the temporary assurance, the perma­nent agreement would not be directed against any other country but would be designed to assure Great Britain and Poland of mutual assistance in the event of any threat, direct or indirect, to the independence of either." British, No. 18, p. 49. Cf. German, No. 286, p. 307.)

Italy assured Britain it was not considering any coup de main in Albania. (Greek, p. 25.)


April 7. Germany reproached Poland for responding to her offers with saber rattling. ("Poland had obviously not understood the offer. . . . The sort of reply which the Polish Government had given us to this offer was no basis for a settlement of the matter in question, . . ." German, No. 212, pp. 221 f. Cf. Oct. 24, 1938, Jan. 5, 6, 26, Feb. 10, Mar: 21, Apr. 6, supra.)

Italian troops invaded and occupied Albania. Cf. March 16, supra. ". . . for the reestablishment of peace, order, and jus­tice." Greek, p. 25. ". . . influential persons in Albania had requested Italian intervention on account of the unbearable situation created by King Zog." Ibid., p. 28.)


April 9. Italy assured Britain that she would respect the independence of Albania. (Greek, p. 27.)
April 13. Prime Minister Chamberlain announced Britain and France were bound to aid Greece and Rumania with total support "in the event of any action being taken which clearly threatens the independence of Greece or Rumania and which the Greek or Rumanian Government respectively considered it vital to resist with the national forces." ("His Majesty's Government feel that they have both a duty and a service to perform by leaving no doubt in the mind of anybody as to their position. I therefore take this opportunity of saying on their behalf that His Majesty's Government attach the greatest importance to the avoidance of disturbance by force or threat of force of the status quo in the Mediterranean and the Balkan Peninsula." Commons, Vol. 346, col. 13. Cf. Mar. 31, supra. Cf. Greek, pp. 30 f.)

Italy formally annexed Albania. (Cf. Apr. 7, 9, supra. Simonds, Emeny, p. 689.)

Britain and France asked a Russian unilateral guarantee of Poland and Rumania effective at the will of the two countries

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concerned and after Britain and France sent aid. (To safeguard Poland and Rumania from unwanted assistance, to assure Russia. of allies. Lee, p. 396.) Russia rejected proposal. (She would receive no aid herself if attacked by Germany or Japan; and Latvia, Esthonia, and Finland were not included in the guarantees. Ibid., p. 396. Cf. Mar. 31, supra.)
April 14. President Roosevelt asked Chancellor Hitler and Premier Mussolini for ten year guarantee of peace for thirty one European and Near Eastern states. ("You realize I am sure that through­out the world hundreds of millions of human beings are living today in constant fear of a new war or even a series of wars.

"The existence of this fear–and the possibility of such a con­flict–is of definite concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as it must also be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire Western Hemisphere. All of them know that any major war, even if it were to be confined to other conti­nents, must bear heavily on them during its continuance and also for generations to come. . . .

"I am convinced that the cause of world peace would be greatly advanced if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank statement relating to the present and future policy of governments." State Release 1939, No. 498, pp. 291 f. Cf. Peace, pp. 455 ff.)
April 15. Rumania refused to join political encirclement of Germany. (German, No. 291, p. 311. Cf. Mar. 23, supra.)
April 18. Prime Minister Chamberlain implied staff conversations were under way in those countries with which military obligations were undertaken. (In answer to a question in Commons. Commons, Vol. 346, col. 162. Cf. Feb. 6, Mar. 31, supra.)
April 19. Britain announced intention of defending independence of Denmark, The Netherlands, and Switzerland. (Warning to Germany. Simonds, Emeny, p. 689. Cf. German, No. 276, p. 296; No. 311, p. 333. Cf. Apr. 3, supra.)
April 20. Premier Mussolini rejected President Roosevelt's request of April 14. (He was a man of peace; such a request was absurd for it did not consider "the pyramidal errors of geography into which individuals have fallen who have not even the most rudimentary knowledge of European affairs." Lee, p. 389.)

Prime Minister Chamberlain announced the Government's in­tention to create a Ministry of Supply. (To deal with army supplies and acquisition and maintenance of raw materials for the defense program and questions of priority. Commons, Vol., 346, Col. 496 497. Cf. Jan. 23, 28, Feb. 22, Mar. 8, 29, supra.)


April 25. Secretary of State Hull made a strong plea against resort to war for settling international differences. ("There is no contro­versy, no difference that can arise between nations, which could. not be settled with far greater benefit to all concerned by the peaceful processes of friendly adjustment than by resort to armed force." Peace, p. 459.)
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April 26. Prime Minister Chamberlain announced that the Govern­ment had decided to introduce a Military Training Bill. (". . . every other country in Europe has the powers which we seek to obtain under this Bill. . . . The Government have given con­sideration, also, to the new liabilities which . . . they have incurred in Europe within the last month . . . the object of the assurances we have given to certain countries as well as of the conversations now proceeding with other Governments is not to wage war but to prevent it. Bearing this object in mind we cannot but be impressed with the view, shared by other demo­cratic countries and especially by our friends in Europe, that despite the immense efforts this country has already made by way of rearmament, nothing would so impress the world with the determination of this country to offer firm resistance to any attempt at general domination as its acceptance of the principle of compulsory military service, which is the universal rule on the Continent." Commons, Vol. 346, col. 1151. Cf. Apr. 20, supra.)
April 27. Germany denounced the Anglo German naval agreement of June 18, 1935 (supra). ("As is clearly shown by the political decisions made known by the British Government in the last weeks as well as by the inspired anti German attitude of the English press, the British Government is now governed by the opinion that England, in whatever part of Europe Germany might be involved in warlike conflict, must always take up an attitude hostile to Germany, even in a case where English inter­ests are not touched in any way by such a conflict. The British Government thus regards war by England against Germany no longer as an impossibility, but on the contrary as a capital problem of English foreign policy. By means of this encirclement policy the British Government has unilaterally deprived the Naval Agreement of the 18th June 1935, of its basis, and has thus put out of force this agreement as well as the complementary declaration of the 17th July 1937." British, No. 22, p. 69; German, No. 294, pp. 313 f.)
April 28. Chancellor Hitler rejected President Roosevelt's request of April 14 ("I took the trouble to ascertain from the States men­tioned, first, whether they feel themselves threatened, and sec­ondly, and above all, whether this inquiry by Mr. Roosevelt was addressed to us at their suggestion or at any rate with their consent. The reply was in all cases negative, in some instances strongly so. . . . Apart from this fact, all States bordering on Germany have received assurances and above all much more definite proposals than Mr. Roosevelt asked of me in his curious telegram. . . . The German Government are, nevertheless, pre­pared to give each of the States named an assurance of the kind desired by Roosevelt on the condition of absolute reciprocity, provided that the State concerned wishes it and itself addresses to Germany a request, together with appropriate proposals, for such an assurance." German, No. 343, p. 364.); abrogated the ten year nonaggression pact with Poland. ("The agreement which has now been concluded by the Polish Government with the British Government is in such obvious contradiction to these

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solemn declarations of a few months ago that the German Govern­ment can take note only with surprise and astonishment of such violent reversal of Polish policy . . .

"By this new alliance the Polish Government have subordinated themselves to a policy inaugurated from another quarter aiming at the encirclement of Germany. . . . At the same time the Polish Government accepted, with regard to another State, political obligations which are not compatible either with the spirit, the meaning, or the text of the German Polish Declara­tion of the 26th January, 1934. Thereby the Polish Government arbitrarily and unilaterally rendered this declaration null and void." German, No. 213, pp. 222 226; British, No. 14, pp. 33 36); announced terms of proposed solution of Polish German problems. ("The strange way in which the Corridor giving Po­land access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to pre­vent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. . . . Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. . . . I regarded the peaceful settle­ment of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosen­ing of the European tension . . . you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. . . . According to my conviction Poland was not a giving party in this solution at all but only a receiving party, because it should be beyond all doubt that Danzig will never become Polish. . . ." German, No. 214, pp. 226 229; British, No. 13, pp. 28 31); said he regretted that both official and unofficial British policy clearly showed "that no matter in what conflict Germany should some day be entangled, Great Britain would always have to take her stand against Germany. Thus a war against Germany is taken for granted in that country." (". . . the only claim I have ever made, and shall continue to make, on England is that for a return of our colonies." German, No. 295, pp. 314 316; British, No. 21, p. 67.)


May 3. Vyacheslav Molotov replaced Maxim Litvinov as Foreign Commissar in Russia. (Indicated a trend in policy away from collective security and cooperation with the League of Nations toward a compromise with the Axis. Lee, p. 396.)
May 5. Poland rejected Germany's request for the return of Danzig and for a road through the Corridor: ("It is clear that negotia­tions in which one State formulates demands and the other is to be obliged to accept those demands unaltered are not negotia­tions in the spirit of the declaration of 1934 and are incompatible with the vital interests and dignity of Poland. . . . The Polish Government cannot accept such an interpretation of the decla­ration of 1934 as would be equivalent to a renunciation of the right to conclude political agreements with third States and, consequently almost a renunciation of independence in foreign policy. . . . The Polish Government reject as completely without foundation all accusations regarding the alleged incompatibility of the Anglo Polish Mutual Guarantee of April 1939, with the Polish German Declaration of 1934. This guar­antee has a purely defensive character and in no way threatens

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the German Reich. . . . The German guarantees of Slovakia did not exclude Poland, and, indeed, as appears from the provisions of the above agreement regarding the distribution of garrisons and military. fortifications in Western Slovakia, were directed primarily against Poland." British, No. 16, pp. 45 ff. "The population of Danzig is to day predominantly German, but its livelihood and prosperity depend on the economic po­tential of Poland. . . . I [Joseph Beck] insist on the term `province of Pomorze.' The word `corridor' is an artificial in­vention, for this is an ancient Polish territory with an insignificant percentage of German colonists. We have given the German Reich all railway facilities, we have allowed its citizens to travel without customs or passport formalities from the Reich to East Prussia. We have suggested the extension of similar facilities to road traffic. . . . On the first and second points, i.e., the question of the future of Danzig and of communication across Pomorze, it is still a matter of unilateral concessions which the Government of the Reich appear to be demanding from us. A self respecting nation does not make unilateral concessions. In his speech the Chancellor of the Reich proposes, as a concession on his part, the recognition and definite acceptance of the present frontier between Poland and Germany. I must point out that this would have been a question of recognizing what is de jure and de facto our indisputable property. . . . We in Poland do not recognize the conception of `peace at any price.' There is oily one thing in the life of men, nations, and states which is without price, and that is honour." Ibid., No. 15, pp. 40 ff. Cf. Apr. 7, supra.)
May 7. Chancellor Hitler told Premier Mussolini that the frontier of the Alps should be regarded forever as inviolable. ("They will, give Italy and Germany not only the possibility of peaceful and permanent collaboration through a clear division of their spheres of life, but also a bridge for mutual help and support. It is my irrevocable will and my legacy to the German people, . . ." German, No. 338, p. 361. Cf. Mar. 11, 198, supra.)

France learned of Germany's intention to come to an under­standing with Russia. (To assure benevolent neutrality or complicity in a partition of Poland, according to one of Chancellor Hitler's lieutenants. French, No. 123, pp. 132 f. Cf. May 3, supra.)


May 11. Prime Minister Chamberlain said that compulsory military training was introduced to impress Europe that Britain meant business in building a peace front and that any attempt to change the situation in Danzig by force that threatened Polish independ­ence would start a general war in which Britain would be involved. (". . . I want to make it equally plain that we are not prepared to sit by and see the independence of one country after another successively destroyed. . . . Such attempts in peacetime always have encountered our resistance, and it is because there can be no rest, no security, in Europe until the nations are convinced that no such attempt is contemplated that we have given those

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assurances to Poland, Rumania, and Greece that have been so warmly welcomed by them. It is with the same purpose of calming and stabilizing the situation that we have entered upon conversations with other countries, particularly Russia and Turkey." London Times, May 12, 1939, p. 10. Cf. Apr. 26, supra.)


May 12. Britain and Turkey, announced agreement on military cooperation in case of war in the Mediterranean area. (". . . to assure Great Britain and Turkey of mutual aid and assistance should the necessity arise . . . to ensure the establishment of security in the Balkans. . . ." Commons, Vol. 347, col. 955. Cf. Apr. 18, supra.)
May 15. Ambassador Neville Henderson told Ernst Von Weizsäcker, of the German Foreign Office, the German march on Prague. had produced reversal of British policy; Britain had given the word to help Poland in war; British public opinion backed a European war for the Poles. ("It was obvious that he [Henderson] wanted to make it clear to us that Great Britain did not desire war and wanted to avoid it by a German Polish compromise, but nonethe­less was ready and determined to aid Poland in accordance with her pledge, if we wanted to bring about a change in the status of Danzig by force, and thus cause Poland to declare war against us." German, No. 302, p. 322. Cf. Mar. 17, 20, 31, supra.).
May 17. Britain announced plan to set up single independent Pales­tine State eventually, limiting Jewish immigration until 1944; prohibited thereafter except with Arab consent. (Cf. Mar. 17, supra. Simonds, Emeny, p. 689.)
May 19. Prime Minister Chamberlain said Britain sought support of other countries interested in peace, yet nearer to the possible seat of trouble: i.e., Turkey and Russia, in supplying new stabilizing factor for Europe. (". . . unless some new stabilizing factor could be introduced into Europe, the dissolution of a large part of Europe might be imminent. . . . It was necessary to act quickly because apprehensions of attack were acute in certain particular quarters and we felt, therefore, that it was not possible to wait. . . ." Commons, Vol. 347, col. 1843. Cf. May, 12, supra.)

Finland, Norway, and Sweden declined offer of German non­aggression treaty. ("The Swedish and Norwegian Governments have again declared to the German Government that their respective countries do not feel menaced by Germany, and that, while maintaining the principle of neutrality, integrity, and independence, they have no intention of entering into non­aggression pacts with any country. They therefore consider an agreement of the kind unnecessary, and have agreed with the German Government not to pursue the plan any further. The negotiations with the Finnish Government have produced a like result." German, No. 344, p. 365. Cf. Apr. 28, supra.)


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May 22. Germany and Italy signed formal treaty of military alliance. (For Italy it was alliance with Germany or humiliation; an answer to encirclement; German renunciation of South Tyrol; German pressure. Lee, p. 392. Cf. Apr. 7, 13, supra,.)
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